


% 
v^ 



S 






^O. 













^1^ 



,/"-*. 
















K^^ 



.^'^ 



A''^ '<• '5' I'd- <■-■- .\'> 






'^■<^' :iS^ 



^ V .*^-V r ,.:^^s. '«liV^G 






o 


^0 


^^. 


-f'' „. 


O. ^ 


V 4 " .^ ■' 


-. -^^ A 


^'-js^^;-p% 


: ^■^.^' 




: ^\ 






i 'S' 


~^f 


5 


■^^ 






'■L o 


'■■-^, ' * « -^ 


<^'^* 


.- "> 


''^'' ^ ■< ' ■-• 





o r^^"^ 


:v>:*i 


^v' 


sP 




o . * , 


^ e 


^ 




'5> 




V' 


'! ■> (5 


O 




v~'l 




'< ,§' 




r-" -^ 







.-^^ 






A 









Jv- 






■^. ^ .0^--'.% \>^\....,, %/--^\./^.,..;% 












. ^ * o II o ^ V O^ * c ,- 1 " • ,0 






1 



.La©S^¥Y ©l^gG^©[l[5), 



FOURTH OF JULY. 



PATRIOTIC CITIZENS OF POMPTON PLAINS 



THEIK COMMITTEE EEQUESTING ITS PUBLICATION. 



IS MOST HESPECTFULLT DEDICATED BY THE SPEAKER, 



ISAAC S. DEMUND, 



BELLEVILLE, N. J. 



PRINTED BY JOHN A. GRAY, TO FULTON, COR. GOLD STREET. 



1851. 






■? r^^&/ 



PoMPTON Plains, July 5th, 1851. 

Rev. AND Dkar. Sir : — The undersigned, the Committee of xVrraugemeuts, having, 
togftber with theii- ieUow-citizens of this vicinity, hstened to the able and eloquent 
oration delivered by you yesterday, on the anniversary of our national independence ; 
and not satisfied with merely listening, but desirous of perusing it at our leisure ; 
moreover, regarding tlie truths contained in it as peculiarly suitable to the present 
eontlitiou of public sentiment, and believmg tlp?m worthy of being brought more ex- 
tensively before the pubUe mind, we, in behalf of ourselves and of nnuiy wlio heard 
you, most respectfully request of you a copy for pubUcation. 

SAMUEL VAN NESS, ^ 

M. N. WISEWELL, I 

CALVIN M. PARKS, 

DAVID W. BERRY, I (jammHtce. 

MARTIN VAN NESS, 

HENRY VAN NESS, | 

LUCAS B. MANDEVILLE, J 

Rev. Isaac S. DE>a"ND. 



To the Committee, ilessrs. Samuel Van Ness, M. N. AVisewell, Calvin M. Pabks, 
David M. Berry, ^Martin Van Ness, Henry Van Ness, Lucas B. ]VL\ndeville : 

Gentlemen : — Your request that I should furnish you a copy of the oration which 

I had the honor and privilege to deUver before you and other fellow-citizens, I feel it 

my duty to comply with, beUeviug, as you have been pleased to exi)ress yom-selves, 

that the truths it contains are peculiarly suitabU' to the present condition of public 

eentiment. 

\'"ery respectfully, your fellow-citizen, 

Isaac S. Dejiund, 

Belln'lUc,N.J.,JHhjm, 185L 



LIBERTY DEFENDED 



It lias long been tlie custom on this, tlie gala-day of 
our nation, to laud our institutions, and extol, as amono" 
tlie greatest patriots, tlie men by whom they were ori- 
ginated and established. 

The Constitution, which is the foundation or plat- 
form of the United States, has been long and loudly 
eulogized, as furnishing the purest liberty that ever 
came from uninspired man, as that which could not well 
have been surpassed. What, superior to it, could have 
been de\dsed? A\Tiat, but this, could have given us 
the freedom, j^rosperity, and union we have so luxuri- 
antly enjoyed ? Chief Justice Jay, at the time it was 
adopted, declared, that whilst the government was not 
what some could have desired, in his estimation, con- 
sidering every circumstance, it was the best perhajDS 
that ever would be enjoyed ou earth previous to the 
Millennium. 

Shall the honored custom of eulogizing our institu- 
tions pass into desuetude ? Shall we permit ourselves 



6 FOtTETH OF JtJiY. 

to listen to the dissonant voices that would now dis- 
parage what has proved itself invaluable, and what 
ouofht to be held venerable and sacred ? Shall dema- 
goguism and fanaticism now be allowed to disgorge 
their lava, and blight and desolate our favored realm ? 

It is true, all men were not made free by the Decla- 
ration of Independence, or by the Constitution, that, by 
the blessing of God, gave us our Union. Our colored 
population were in bondage, and what to do with or for 
them was the Gordian difficulty. Great, however, as 
was the difficulty, and desirable as it was that all 
should be free, it was determined by solemn compact, 
that the domestic institution of slavery already in ex- 
istence, and that had long been in the colonies, should 
be left, to be disposed of as might be thought proper 
by the individual States. No one State might interfere 
with another, touching that matter. And it was made 
imperative upon the United States to see that the 
rights of the several States, in that and every other stip- 
ulation, be guarded inviolate. 

Could human wisdom or legislation have elaborated 
a higher achievement ? 

The government, thus constituted, presented for the 
world the illustrious spectacle of a galaxy of indepen- 
dent States, holding sovereign sway over theii' own 
respective affiiirs, and yet firmly united, indivisibly one, 
to guard the chartered rights of each other, and present 
a dense, unbroken, unconquerable phalanx against for- 
eign aggression. 

As with the nicest machinery, not a jar could be 
heard for a time in the vast but simple movements of 
our august government. Eeligion, such as fell in in- 



LIBERTY DEFENDED. 7 

spired precept from tlie incarnate Son of God ; edu- 
cation, that would lavish its blessings on all through the 
common school; agriculture, that would turn the wil- 
derness into fruitful fields ; commerce, that would erect 
its emporiums, and every art that could favor national 
prosperity, flourished. State after State, as by magic, 
rose into view, and took their })lace beside their elder 
sisters in the l>lessed Union. A second war wdth Eng- 
land l)ut served to consolidate our strength, and develop 
still more rapi<lly the inexhaustible resources of indul- 
gent Heaven. 

Slavery, in the mean time, ra])idly waned in the 
onward march and prosperity of freedom. Several 
States, our own New-Jersey among the rest, resorted 
to seasonable measures for its removal. 

Still the Christian, the philanthropist, the patriot, the 
American freeman, were painfully conscious that, after all 
that legislation had accomplished, the emancipated were 
not free ; that they could not readily be elevated to our 
condition ; that they were even in danger of sinking into 
a state of vagabondism and depression, compared with 
which continued slavery had been decidedly preferable. 

What should be done ? Where could the black man 
be placed, that he too might be free ? Robert Finley, 
of Basking Ridge, had the honor to originate the phi- 
lanthropic. Christian scheme of Colonization. He called 
upon his countrymen to send all the liberated who 
might be so inclined to their fatherland, and all like- 
wise, whose liberation might be procured. With no 
other distinction, had not Doctor Finley been an able 
minister of the New Testament, a superior teacher in 
whose academy some of oui' fii'st men laid the founda- 



8 FOITETH OF JtJLY. 

tion of tlieir eminence, he liad enrolled Ms name high 
upon the list of earthly fame. 

Liberia, as the golden result of the measure, buds and 
blossoms like the rose. It is there the black man lifts 
up his head and can be as free as the white man. Al- 
ready, Liberia has taken her position among the king- 
doms of this world, and one of her own sons. Governor 
Roberts, is her Chief Magistrate. A government like 
that of the United States is in successful operation, and 
the bright prospect is enjoyed that a great part of the 
continent of Africa, God being favorable, shall be 
brought out of pagan darkness into the marvellous 
light of the gospel, and shall exchange the misrule and 
tyranny of despotic petty chiefs, for the mild sway of 
civilization. 

It seemed at one period as if aU the States would 
soon embark in the humane work of emancipation. Vir- 
ginia and Kentucky were gravely discussing preliminary 
measures, and perhaps by this time every State almost 
had been a free State like to New- York or New-Jersey, 
but for the interposition of an obstacle, that assumed to 
show us a still better way. Sentiments now began to 
be advanced and measures adopted in some quarters, 
that threatened the entire overthrow of the Colonization 
cause. Immediate abolition of slavery was loudly de- 
manded. At once the slave must be made as free as 
his master ; and the United States, not Africa, must be 
his home. By some of the abettors of the new philan- 
thropy, slavery is resolved to be something more than a 
domestic e\al, to be a moral evil, a sin comparable to 
murder or any other transgression of the law of God. 
It might be countenanced, or palliated, or tolerated by 



LIBEETY DEFENDED. 9 

no freeman, by no Christian. It was against the Decla- 
ration of Independence ; it was against the Revehition 
of Heaven. That only, we are also given to understand, 
may be accounted 23hilanthro])y, which aims at once to 
abolish slavery. So few and feeble at first were the 
originators of abolitionism, it a]->peared almost imbecile 
to apprehend danger to the institutions of our country, 
danger to the cause of liberty. But the leaven spreads 
as a fire that sweeps over a western prairie. It spreads 
and ferments in the Church. Denominations the most 
numerous in all our land, the Baptist, the Methodist, 
di\dde. Abolitionism rends them in twain. Slavery and 
Anti-slavery become the shibboleths, the tests of Chris- 
tian fellowship and communion. 

The leaven still spreads. It appears in State as well 
as Church ; statesmen as well as churchmen call for the 
immediate abolition of slavery. The political arena 
now becomes the scene of fearful conflict, and we learn 
the strange nomenclature of " Free-soilism " and " the 
Higher Law." The war against Mexico having termi- 
nated in our favor, again, as in the dark days of the 
Mssouri agitation, the South calls for a share in the 
conquered territory. Almost in vain our ablest and 
most patriotic and experienced statesmen contend, that 
our Constitution has left it to the citizens of a new 
territory, in organizing a State, to elect whether or 
not there shall be slavery. California comes in among 
the free States. The South calls for the enforcement 
of the solemn compact that guarded the individual 
rights of all the States. With tlie utmost difiiculty has 
that compact been regarded. There is a higher law, 
we ai'e told, than the law of the United States, of the 



10 FOUETH OF JULY. 

Constitution, of government. To meet that "higher 
law," the compact, entered into with so much good-will 
and benefit by our fathers, must be amended, the pro- 
test of the South " to the contrary notwithstanding." 
By the strong arm of a majority, the guaranteed rights 
of the South must be trampled in the dust ; rights that 
no man may take from them, rights that no majority 
may violate without breaking the solemn oath of cove- 
nant, without virtually and actually dissolving the 
Union ; sacred rights competent for the South alone, in 
their State legislation, to deprive themselves of, even as 
the same has been done by ourselves, by New-York, 
by Connecticut. 

Farther still, if a majority cannot be secured to 
amend the compact, citizens are urged by the authority 
of the " higher law " to resist the provisions of that com- 
pact — to stand up against the law of the land; and 
States are solemnly summoned to legislate against it, 
impede, nullify, destroy it. Kesistance of a certain kind 
has been made. The escape of the slave has been facil- 
itated by mob-violence ; and citizens have been invited 
to come in from the surromiding country, armed for the 
purpose of overawing or counteracting the proceedings 
of Court. Such is the higher law that is now advocated, 
not merely by a Thompson, member of Parliament, 
from England, not merely by a Garrison, but by hon- 
orable Senators and Representatives in Congress assem- 
bled ; not only by politicians, but by American Chris- 
tians, and even by some ministers of the gospel ! 

"Wh.at, then, fellow-citizens, is this higher law ? — if 
you have failed to perceive its true character, from its 
avow ed principles and actual deeds. Is it the law of 



LIBERTY DEFENDED. 11 

civil and religious liberty 'i Or is it that Avliicli may- 
be denominated and demonstrated to be both treason 
and heresy ? 

Unquestionably, it is treason against our own Gov- 
ernment, for it avowedly seeks either to amend by ma- 
jority or destroy the very compact to which, under God, 
Ave are indebted for our Union. If the higher law of 
the day bade us use constitutional, legal, righteous mea- 
sures to remove slavery — if it only urged the South 
themselves to legislate away the evil — much as we 
might regret the impolicy or the danger of the move- 
ment, lest we should thereby only irritate the Southern 
mind, we would nevertheless have to allow its weapon 
to be legitimate. But since it would have us play the 
tyrant, by resorting to mere majority, to mere force, 
in the tace of solemn compact, is it not treason ? 

The higher law, however, is treason against govern- 
ment in the abstract — against all government, however 
righteous its foundations. To the law and to the testi- 
mony — to the decrees or orders of our sovereign and 
infallible teacher, Jesus Christ. What does He say to 
us, who sits upon the throne of the universe 'i What 
does He say, who has all power in heaven and upon 
earth, who is the King of kings and Lord of lords ? 
" Render unto Caesar the things that are Cesar's." Or, 
in the language of his apostle Paul, " Let every soul be 
subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power 
but of God : the powers that he are ordained of God. 
Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the 
ordinance of God ; and they that resist shall receive to 
themselves damnation." If, then, Ctesar, or the higher 
power, or government should enact a law or estaljlish a 



12 FOURTH OF JULY. 

compact Tinder wliicli a portion of tlie subjects are re- 
quired to remain in bondage until it should please their 
masters to liberate tliem by legislation, may the subjects 
in bonds rise up against those in authority ? Or may 
the free incite and assist the enslaved to do so, under the 
pretext that the rebellion is warranted and required by 
a higher law ? What law can be higher than what God 
has made and called " the higher powers V Not the 
higher law of revelation, since the law of " the higher 
powers " is that which it expressly establishes, and sub- 
ordination to which it .explicitly enjoins. It indeed 
commands us to obey God rather than man or govern- 
ment, where the law of the latter is opposed to that of 
the former. But where the law of government is not 
opposed to the law of God, how can there be a higher 
law under which it may be resisted or overthrown ? 

Now it so happens in the present instance, that the 
law of our Government does not come in collision with 
the law of revelation. On the contrary, as plainly as 
language can make it, revelation is on the side of the 
compact upon which our Union stands. It is out of 
place then to discuss what should be our course, if our 
very Constitution were contrary to Scripture ; if our 
Constitution enjoined a crime like to idolatry, or mur- 
der, or theft ; whether we should resort to a revolution, 
or disobey and suffer. 

The higher law of revelation is the law of our Consti- 
tution, fui-nishing us the very princij^les on which it 
rests. 

Revelation is not silent upon slavery. It does not 
leave it for man to determine whether it may lawfully 
exist. It does not teach that a man sins who allows 



LIBERTY DEFEIS^DED. 13 

« 

himself to "be a slave or remain a slave. "Art tliou 
called, being a servant ? Care not for it ; but if tlioii 
mayest be made free, use it rather." 

Nor are we tauglit that a man sins who retm-ns the 
servant to his master. The apostle Paul himself re- 
turned the servant Onesimus to his master Philemon. 
If, then, the institution of slavery is not even sinful — if 
Scripture itself commands the slave and the friend of 
the slave to obey the government under which they 
are placed — if Scripture itself sanctions that government 
where the institution of slavery may exist — what can 
our American higher law be but treason agamst all that 
is righteous in the principle of civil government ( 

As well as treason against government, our higher 
law is heresy against Christ. Where does Christ tell 
his follower that he may not be a servant and be a 
Christian ? Where does Christ say to a man, that if he 
would be a Christian, he must free his slaves — that he 
must cease to be a master ? In his blessed code we find 
rules for masters and rules for servants, but not one 
word or principle to compel the master to let his slave 
go free ; not the faintest suggestion to instigate the ser- 
vant to rise up against his master, or run away, and if 
pursued, resist unto death. " Let as many servants as 
are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of 
all honor, that the name of God and his doctrine be not 
blasphemed. And they that have believing masters, 
let them not despise them, because they are brethren ; 
but rather do them service, because they are faithful 
and beloved partakers of the benefit." " These things 
teach and exhort. If any man teach otherwise, and 
consent not to wholesome words, even the words of our 



14 . FOUETH OF JULY. 

« 

Lord Jesus Clirist, and to tlie doctrine wliicli is accordinfy 
to godliness, lie is proud, knowing nothing, but doting 
about questions and strifes of words, wliereof cometli 
envy, strife, railings, evil surmisings, perverse disputings 
of men of corrupt minds, and destitute of tlie truth, 
supposing that gain is godliness : from such withdraw 
thyself." Our higher law then, according to these words 
must be brought in as guilty of heresy — as that which 
opposes Christianity — as that which promotes nothing 
but evil. It is anti-Christian. It assumes to legislate 
where God has legislated, and against what God has 
expressly regulated. Like the " man of sin," it would 
give us another law than the law of revelation — another 
gospel than the gospel of Christ. 

The exposure of the higher law, so ominous, so 
unprincipled, so tyrannical, so unevangelical, needs no 
apology. It is called for by all that is dear to us — by 
all that is sacred in government or religion. If, then, 
we would be patriotic and love our country — if we 
would be Christians and love our Sa^dour — if we would 
prove ourselves, as our fathers were, the tried and faith- 
ful friends of civil and religious liberty — these are the 
principles we are to advocate, and these are the prin- 
ciples that must be known, received, and established 
throughout our land, if we would have our country go 
on and prosper. 

Am I then an advocate for slavery? God forbid! 
Africa, be free — is the desire and prayer of my heart. 
And that Africa may be free ; that her sons may be 
emancipated, only let our government continue ; only 
let the slave States be left to manage their ow^n domes- 
tic concerns, and we may soon hail the auspicious day, 



LIBEETY DEFENDED. 15 

when State after State will liljerate tlieir Londmeii; 
when a part of our own domain will be assigned them 
where they may be free as ourselves, or when they will 
all be repairing to the home of their forefathers, even 
as the Irish now seek an asylum with us from the op- 
pression of England. Our proud steamers shall plough 
their rapid course over the mighty deep, freighted with 
the costliest treasures — not manacled slaves for servi- 
tude, but Christian freemen, who, by the blessings they 
will convey, will more than compensate their country 
for all the outrages it has endured. 

Are not patriots and Christians, in view of such a 
stupendous result, now called by the providence of God 
to secure to themselves the sacred, invaluable rio-hts 
which they have inherited from their fathers ? In no 
other way can our country be preserved. In no other 
way can the free remain free. In no other way can the 
enslaved be freed. Abolitionism, made up as we have 
seen of treason and heresy, would dash our Union to 
atoms. Other governments might rise on its ruins, but , 
by no means comparable to that we now enjoy. 

The South withdrawing by itself and becoming a 
powerful integer, on the princij^les of interest and dan- 
ger, would rivet more strongly the shackles of her slaves, 
and bid successful defiance to the North, arrayed against 
itself in as many petty States as compose it — sadly rent 
asunder by the demagogue and the fanatic — ofiering 
itself an alluring prey to petty Caesars, or falling an 
entire victim into the hands of some daring Augustus. 
Or, if you prefer, picture to your imagination the sicken- 
ing scene, the South crushed and destroyed ; and liberty, 
civil and religious, both at the North and the South, 



16 rOUETH OF JULY. 

departed ; a miserable few left, it may be, from tlie dis- 
mal wreck, to hang their liarps on tlie willows, and 
moan tlie sad requiem of freedom — fled, to find its home 
in other climes and bless other realms — perhaps the 
climes and realms of Africa. 

Remember, therefore, my coimtrymen ! we are now 
summoned, in the providence of Heaven, to a conflict 
quite as perilous and important as that in which our 
fathers were engaged. They must fight for liberty 
aa-ainst the marshalled hosts of Great Britain, her hired 
Hessians, and the savage hordes of their- own wilder- 
nesses. We must maintain what has thus been secured, 
against a Garrison, a Thompson, a Smith, a Seward, 
and an Abby Kelly, and thousands of other similar 
fierce spirits, who, to accomplish their darling scheme 
of abolition, would rob the South of their State-rights, 
and transfer general government into a mere system of 
inglorious tyranny for that end. We must blow a 
trumpet that will not give an uncertain sound. We 
must let abolitionists know — whatever may be the mo- 
tives by which they deem themselves to be impelled — 
that we hold their principles and objects and actions as 
traitorous and heretical. If permitted to go on in their 
wild career, they would crimson our land with the 
blood of its best citizens, and consign fair Freedom to 
an ignominious grave. 

Democrats or Whigs, we should vote for no man — 
not so much as to be the scavenger of our streets, or 
the master of our roads, much less to be President, or 
Judge, or Sheriff— that declares himself pledged to the 
dictates and bulls of the higher law. 

Dutch Reformed, or Methodist, or Baptist, we should 



LIBEETY DEFEKDED. 17 

note those bretlireii who advocate the fearful heresy 
and schism of the higher law, and at least separate our- 
selves from them, as the apostle Paul enjoined it upon 
the evangelist Timothy to withdraw himself No pa- 
triot, no Christian — if he would regard the injunction 
of the gospel — may he the hearer of a higher-law 
23reacher. Nor may any one, if he would regard the 
same injunction, hold Christian fellowship or commune 
at the table of the Lord with higher-law members. 
Strong measures, just such as are enjoined by Scripture, 
are demanded ; for only by these measures, associated 
with prayerful struggles and the blessing of our God, 
shall we be able to prevail. 

Tried and faithful men are In requisition. Patriotic 
and Christian men, men opposed to all treason and 
heresy, are in imperious requisition. 

Allow me, moreover, to urge that if the citizens of 
the United States would act well their part in the ex- 
isting warfare, they must be temperate in all things, — 
temperate, particularly, with regard to whatever can 
intoxicate. " It is not for kings, O Lemuel, it is not 
for kings to drink wine, nor for princes strong drink, 
lest they drink and forget the law, and pervert the 
judgment of any of the afflicted." It is not for American 
freemen to be intemperate. Their interests, this mo- 
ment in danger, are too vast, that they should be given 
to the indulgence so expressly prohibited those who 
are in authority. You are not ca^ed to abstain or be 
temperate on the principle that whatever intoxicates is 
a sinful beverage. Have no sympathy with those who 
denounce the use of wine or strong drink as in itself 
iniquitous ; no sympathy with those who would remove 



18 FOTTETH OF JULY. 

the sacred cup from tlie table of our Lord. But, fellow- 
citizens, abuse not wine and strong drink. Is intem- 
perance a sin to wliicli you are inclined ? Abstain, for 
your own sake abstain. Or, strong as you may be, kave 
you weaker brethren, easily enticed by the intoxicating 
bowl? Abstain for their sake; abstain on the lofty 
principle of him who said, if wine made his brother to 
ofiend, he would never allow himself in its use. With- 
out temperance, you would be disqualified to contend 
for the liberty of your country. Drunken men, though 
kings or princes, whatever their station or authority, 
are not fit to be trusted. The United States call that 
temperate men should come to the rescue. And if for 
no other cause, for the cause of the Union, let every 
citizen, every patriot, every Christian, be temj)erate. 

The ground on which we tread is sacred, because of 
the foot-falls of our free and noble fathers. New- Jersey, 
though among the least, proved not the least efficient 
in the trying and dark days of the Revolution. In our 
own State the great Washington fought some of his 
principal battles. At Trenton, Princeton, and Mon- 
mouth, his thunder was heard, carrying dismay to the 
hearts of our ruthless foes, and reviving the drooping 
spirits of the champions of freedom. In your immediate 
vicinity he had his camp. We can almost fancy that 
we see our venerable and loved chieftain in the humble 
but w^elcome and honored home of one of the patriotic 
fathers at Montville. We can almost hear him, as he 
bowed his knees in his closet before God and prayed 
that he would save and free his country. We have a 
good cause, he was often wont to say, even in the darkest 
hours. He must be blind, he was heard to say, who 

3477-61 
Lot-19 



LIBERTY DEFENDED. 19 

could not see the finger of God in tlie Kevolution, 
crowning it with success and triumph. Yes, he and our 
fathers had a good cause. Traduced as they may now 
he, they esj^oused the cause of li]3erty, fought its l:)attles, 
and won its hiurels and its blessings. And we, their 
children and successors, have inherited from them the 
greatest and fiurest country on earth, the modern Ca- 
naan of the world, the glory of all lauds. 

In the name of Jehovah, of Government, of Chris- 
tianity, of Liberty, — be patriotic, be Christian, be tem- 
perate. Prove yourselves worthy of your sires ; worthy 
of the rich legacy they have left you ; worthy of the 
exalted position in which God has placed you, above all 
the nations under heaven. 

New-Jersey — awake ! be \dgilant, be brave. 

Old Virginia — that gave us our Washington — stand 
firm, and lead, as you once led, in the defence of liljerty. 

Pennsylvania — the key-stone of the Union — listen to 
your Buchanan, not your Johnston. 

New- York — Ije Empire State now, and discard those 
< >f your politicians who would have power at all events, 
though it must be at the hands of traitorous and heret- 
ical abolitionism. 

New-Hampshire — bring on your granite sons. 

Massachusetts — overboard with the tea of aljolition- 
isrn, that only maddens the brain and incites to the abo- 
lition of liberty. 

Vermont, the Green Mountain boys of Vermont — for 
your and our liljerty we call. 

Connecticut— you will not forget to tread in the steps 
of Brother Jonathan, Governor Trumbull. 

South Carolina-— away with your nullification and 



20 FOUETH OF JULY. 

secession ! Your threatening attitude ill befits tlie Pal- 
metto State. 

Kentucky — pick your flint, and try it again. Never 
yield tke liberty in wMcli you have so illustriously 
figured. 

Tennessee — to your sacred trust have been committed 
the bones of Old Hickory, the hero of New-Orleans. 

Ohio — come up, Ohio, to the battle of the Lord 
against the mighty, and legislate against treason and 
heresy, as your Giddingses have legislated for them. 

From Maine to Florida, from the Atlantic to the Pa- 
cific Ocean — stand. State and Territory, like the stars 
that fought against Sisera. Stand shoulder to shoulder, 
as in the pahny days of our glorious Kevolution. 

England, Scotland, Ireland — stand off! Mind your 
own business. You have enough to do, to mourn over 
your own sins. Correct the evils that beggar and 
enslave your ten thousands or drive them to seek the 
charity of our generous Kepublic. 

THE UNITED STATES ! ! 

May they live for ever ! 

God save the United States ! May they go on from 
strength to strength, and from glory to glory, until the 
kinsfdoms of this world shall become the kingdoms of 
our Lord and his Christ ! 



,-^' 



r-1 V> 









,^' 









^op^ 



•V^' 



"•J^ -S' 



J <^^.. . -^^^ ,^ C X' 






<^„ 



^--ii^-^- 






> 






V 



.•^" 













■•.•-i^'<-_ s 



- '. o 






jy ° " " ^ <i* 

"... ,0 -^^ -.,," ^ 





•I 




'^r<^ 


■X 




./■ 


V .s^ 


■^.^* 


*y" 




/\ 




° " ts i- 


'0 . I 




■^ 




°o 



vJ^S- 



v^ 









'"^Z ^ 

•^0^ 










^ A^ - - 



■S^r 



^ ^ V^ 



^^ c. ^-^ "^ 



"^ A** V 



/5 i^ .;^^'^,* ^r CL 






^^-V 



^^c,V 






■^. 



XT' •■ A 



-K,. .& 



■O' 


' " * 


A. 


^o 




.1-^- 




■5^ 


,-^" 




O 


C' 




^^^' 


'^^. 


f^' 

(V 


^ y 5 





.^" 



c^' 



-Jv' 



-^^ 









.Jv^ 












A 














^^^ 












.<^' . 










^o 


r 













^^ 


^t 


a. 














% 


'^ - - 


- \^ , 


-."NT' 








">> 


c 


' "■ J 


^'^ 








•■ 














'= 


% 


./■■ 










J 


.^'-r-- 












•-. "" 


>X'. 












A''' 


■•^\ 






' . 


« > ' 




P" 




""o 


o « / 


'■^.t. 


cf 


f;- 











-^)' 



°o 



^^. 



'^^ "Z^. 



^b 


■.•'V 




^ - 


o 




« 




o 








- Jp- 


, 






'ci- 






0^ 








.o'^ 


■^. 
^ 






a"^' 


.-■> 




V. 






0*^^ 



^-0^ 

.H '^,. 






A 



'^. A^ 



.0* 




o 


"o 


■^--r^ : 




-x^ ^.o :^ 




'' '^^^^.'-V 


,^.0'-' 






"^^ 




<^ 




r<- 




"^J"• 




vT' 








••'■■^<^'\... 




- - - 


^ 




•y- 



^E 






